António de Oliveira Salazar GCTE GCSE GColIH GCIC (19459007); Portugiesisch: [ɐ̃ˈtɔniu dɨ oliˈvɐjɾɐ sɐlɐˈzaɾ]; 28. April 1889 - 27. Juli 1970) war ein portugiesischer Staatsmann, der als Premierminister von Portugal diente von 1932 bis 1968. Er war verantwortlich für den Estado Novo ("New State"), die korporatistische autoritäre Regierung, die Portugal bis 1974 regierte.
Der gelernte Ökonom Salazar trat mit Unterstützung von Präsident Óscar Carmona nach dem portugiesischen Putsch vom 28. Mai 1926, zunächst als Finanzminister und später als Premierminister, in das öffentliche Leben ein. Im Gegensatz zu Demokratie, Kommunismus, Sozialismus, Anarchismus und Liberalismus war Salazars Herrschaft konservativ und nationalistisch. Salazar distanzierte sich von faschistischen Diktaturen, die er für ein heidnisch-kaiserliches politisches System hielt, das weder gesetzliche noch moralische Grenzen erkannte. Salazar betrachtete den deutschen Nationalsozialismus als Befürworter heidnischer Elemente, die er als abstoßend empfand.
Salazar förderte auch den Katholizismus, argumentierte jedoch, die Rolle der Kirche sei sozial, nicht politisch, und verhandelte mit dem Konkordat von 1940. Eines der Mottos des Salazar-Regimes lautete " Deus, Pátria e Familia " (Bedeutung) "Gott, Vaterland und Familie").
Da der Estado Novo ihm die Möglichkeit gab, gewaltige politische Kräfte auszuüben, setzte Salazar Zensur und eine Geheimpolizei ein, um die Opposition zu unterdrücken, insbesondere im Zusammenhang mit der kommunistischen Bewegung. Er unterstützte Francisco Franco im spanischen Bürgerkrieg und spielte eine Schlüsselrolle, um Portugal und Spanien während des Zweiten Weltkriegs neutral zu halten. Während seiner Herrschaft beteiligte sich Portugal trotz des autoritären Regimes an der Gründung wichtiger internationaler Organisationen. Portugal war 1949 eines der 12 Gründungsmitglieder der Nordatlantikpakt-Organisation (NATO), trat 1950 der European Payments Union bei und war 1960 Gründungsmitglied der Europäischen Freihandelszone (EFTA) und Gründungsmitglied 1961 Mitglied der Organisation für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung. Unter seiner Herrschaft trat Portugal auch 1962 dem Allgemeinen Zoll- und Handelsabkommen bei und begann den portugiesischen Kolonialkrieg. Die Lehre des Pluricontinentalismus war die Grundlage seiner Territorialpolitik, eine Auffassung des portugiesischen Reiches als einheitlicher Staat, der mehrere Kontinente umspannte.
Der Estado Novo brach während der Nelkenrevolution von 1974, vier Jahre nach Salazars Tod, zusammen. Die Bewertungen seines Regimes waren unterschiedlich, die Befürworter lobten die Ergebnisse und die Kritiker kritisierten seine Methoden. Es besteht jedoch ein allgemeiner Konsens darüber, dass Salazar eine der einflussreichsten Persönlichkeiten in der portugiesischen Geschichte war. In den letzten Jahrzehnten wurden "neue Quellen und Methoden von portugiesischen Historikern eingesetzt, um die 48-jährige Diktatur in den Griff zu bekommen." [3]
Hintergrund [ edit
Familie [ edit ]
Salazar wurde am 28. April 1889 in Vimieiro in der Nähe von Santa Comba Dão (Bezirk Viseu) als Sohn einer bescheidenen Familie geboren. Sein Vater, ein kleiner Grundbesitzer, Er hatte als Landarbeiter angefangen und wurde der Manager der Perestrelos, einer Familie von Landbesitzern der Region Santa Comba Dão, die Ländereien und andere zwischen Viseu und Coimbra verstreute Vermögenswerte besaß. Er war das einzige männliche Kind von zwei fünften Cousins, António de Oliveira (1839–1932) und seiner Frau Maria do Resgate Salazar (1845–1926). Seine vier älteren Schwestern waren Maria do Resgate Salazar de Oliveira, eine Grundschullehrerin; Elisa Salazar de Oliveira; Maria Leopoldina Salazar de Oliveira; und Laura Salazar de Oliveira, die 1887 Abel Pais de Sousa, Bruder von Mário Pais de Sousa, der Innenminister von Salazar war, heiratete.
Ausbildung [ edit ]
Salazar besuchte die Grundschule in seinem kleinen Dorf und besuchte später eine andere Grundschule in Viseu. Im Alter von 11 Jahren gewann er einen freien Platz in Viseu's Seminar, wo er von 1900 bis 1908 acht Jahre lang studierte. Salazar erwog, Priester zu werden, aber wie viele andere, die das Priesterseminar sehr jung betraten, entschloss er sich, nicht nach dem Priestertum zu gehen heilige Aufträge erhalten. In den ersten Jahren der ersten portugiesischen Republik reiste er 1910 nach Coimbra, um an der Universität von Coimbra Rechtswissenschaften zu studieren. Während dieser Studienzeit in Coimbra entwickelte er ein besonderes Interesse an Finanzen und schloss sein Studium mit Auszeichnung ab, wobei er sich auf Finanz- und Wirtschaftspolitik spezialisierte. Er absolvierte 1914 mit 19 von 20 Punkten eine seltene Leistung, die ihn sofort berühmt machte und in der Zwischenzeit Assistenzprofessor für Wirtschaftspolitik an der Juristischen Fakultät wurde. 1917 wurde er durch Berufung des Professors José Alberto dos Reis zum Regenten für Wirtschaftspolitik und Finanzen ernannt. Im folgenden Jahr wurde Salazar promoviert.
Politik und Estado Novo [ edit
Hintergrund [ ]]
Salazar war zum Zeitpunkt der Revolution vom 5. Oktober 1910 einundzwanzig Jahre alt, als die portugiesische Monarchie gestürzt und die Erste Portugiesische Republik eingesetzt wurde. Die politischen Institutionen der Ersten Republik dauerten bis 1926, als sie durch eine Militärdiktatur ersetzt wurde. Diese wurde zuerst als "Ditadura Militar" (Militärdiktatur) und dann ab 1928 als "Ditadura Nacional" (Nationaldiktatur) bezeichnet.
Die Ära der Ersten Republik wurde als "fortlaufende Anarchie, Korruption in der Regierung, Aufruhr und Plünderung, Ermordungen, willkürliche Inhaftierung und religiöse Verfolgung" beschrieben. Es wurde Zeuge der Einweihung von acht Präsidenten, 44 Kabinettsumorganisationen und 21 Revolutionen. Die erste Regierung der Republik dauerte weniger als 10 Wochen, und die am längsten regierende Regierung dauerte nur ein Jahr. Die Revolution in Portugal wurde zu einem Begriff in Europa. Die Lebenshaltungskosten stiegen um das Fünffache, während die Währung auf einen Teil seines Goldwerts fiel. 1 [1945 33 . Die öffentlichen Finanzen und die portugiesische Wirtschaft gerieten in eine kritische Phase, da sie seit mindestens den 1890er-Jahren unmittelbar von Zahlungsausfällen bedroht waren. [12] Die Kluft zwischen Arm und Reich wurde immer größer. Das Regime veranlasste Portugal 1916, in den Ersten Weltkrieg einzutreten. Dieser Schritt verschlimmerte nur den gefährlichen Zustand des Landes. Gleichzeitig wurde die katholische Kirche von den antiklerikalen Freimaurern der Republik verfolgt, und politisches Attentat und Terrorismus wurden alltäglich. Zwischen 1920 und 1925 platzten nach offiziellen Angaben der Polizei 325 Bomben in den Straßen von Lissabon. Der britische Diplomat Sir George Rendel sagte, er könne den "politischen Hintergrund" nicht als etwas beklagenswertes beschreiben ... sehr verschieden von dem geordneten, wohlhabenden und gut geführten Land, das später unter der Regierung von Senhor Salazar wurde ". Salazar würde das politische Chaos dieser Zeit im Auge behalten, als er später Portugal beherrschte.
Die öffentliche Unzufriedenheit führte am 28. Mai 1926 zu einem Staatsstreich, der von den meisten Zivilklassen begrüßt wurde. Zu dieser Zeit herrschte in Portugal die Ansicht vor, dass politische Parteien Teilungsteile waren und der Parlamentarismus sich in einer Krise befand. Dies führte zu einer allgemeinen Unterstützung oder zumindest Toleranz eines autoritären Regimes. Der neue portugiesische Anti-Parlamentarismus war eine Reaktion auf die bisherigen Erfahrungen mit dem System. Liberalismus und Parlamentarismus mögen in Großbritannien und den Vereinigten Staaten funktioniert haben, aber die Portugiesen argumentierten, der Liberalismus sei in ihrer Nation und Kultur unangemessen.
Early path [ edit
As Der junge Mann, Salazars politisches Engagement, beruhte auf seinen katholischen Ansichten, die durch die neue antiklerikale Haltung der Ersten Republik geweckt wurden. Er wurde Mitglied der nicht politisch angeschlossenen katholischen Bewegung Centro Académico de Democracia Cristã (Akademisches Zentrum für Christliche Demokratie). Salazar lehnte die Monarchisten ab, weil er der Meinung war, dass sie gegen die von Papst Leo XIII. Vertretenen sozialen Lehren, denen er sehr sympathisch war, widersprachen. Er schrieb regelmäßig Beiträge in Zeitschriften, die sich mit Sozialwissenschaften beschäftigten, insbesondere dem Wochenblatt [19459011OImparcialdas von seinem Freund (und später Kardinal Patriarch von Lissabon) Manuel Gonçalves Cerejeira geleitet wurde. In der lokalen Presse wurde er als "einer der mächtigsten Köpfe der neuen Generation" bezeichnet.
1921 wurde Salazar überredet, als Kandidat für die Wahl zum Parlament zu stehen, obwohl er dies nur ungern tat. Er erschien einmal in der Kammer und kehrte nie wieder zurück, geschlagen von der Unordnung, die er sah, und einem Gefühl der Sinnlosigkeit. Salazar war überzeugt, dass der liberale Individualismus zu einer Fragmentierung der Gesellschaft und einer Perversion des demokratischen Prozesses geführt hatte.
Das übergeordnete Problem Portugals im Jahr 1926 war seine enorme Staatsverschuldung. Zwischen 1926 und 1928 lehnte Salazar mehrmals das Finanzministerium ab. Er plädierte für Krankheit, Hingabe an seine alten Eltern und eine Vorliebe für die akademischen Klöster. Unter dem Ministerium von Sinel de Cordes nahm das öffentliche Defizit 1927 weiter zu. Die Regierung versuchte, Kredite von Baring Brothers unter der Schirmherrschaft des Völkerbundes zu erhalten, aber die Bedingungen wurden als inakzeptabel angesehen. Da Portugal von einem drohenden Finanzkollaps bedroht war, stimmte Salazar schließlich zu, am 26. April 1928 der 81. Finanzminister zu werden, nachdem der Republikaner und Freimaurer Óscar Carmona zum Präsidenten gewählt worden war. Bevor er die Position annahm, sicherte er sich jedoch persönlich von Carmona eine kategorische Zusicherung, dass er als Finanzminister freie Hand haben würde, um Ausgaben in allen Regierungsabteilungen und nicht nur in seinem eigenen Veto zu veto. Salazar war der Finanzzar praktisch von dem Tag an, als er sein Amt antrat.
Innerhalb eines Jahres, mit Spezialmächten bewaffnet, balancierte Salazar den Haushalt und stabilisierte die portugiesische Währung. Salazar stellte die Ordnung der Volkswirtschaftlichen Gesamtrechnungen wieder her, erzwang die Sparpolitik und verschrottete Abfälle und stellte den ersten von vielen Haushaltsüberschüssen vor, eine in Portugal einmalige Neuheit.
Im Juli 1929 legte Salazar erneut seinen Rücktritt vor. Sein Freund Mário de Figueiredo, Justizminister, verabschiedete ein neues Gesetz, das die Organisation religiöser Prozessionen erleichterte. Das neue Gesetz empörte die Republikaner, löste eine Kabinettskrise aus, und Figueiredo drohte mit dem Rücktritt. Salazar riet Figueiredo davon ab, zurückzutreten, sagte jedoch seinem Freund, er würde sich ihm bei seiner Entscheidung anschließen. Figueiredo trat zurück, und Salazar - damals wegen eines gebrochenen Beines in ein Krankenhaus eingeliefert - folgte am 3. Juli der Klage. Carmona ging am 4. persönlich ins Krankenhaus und bat Salazar, seine Meinung zu ändern. Premierminister José Vicente de Freitas, der sich mit Carmonas Politik auseinandersetzte, verließ das Kabinett. Salazar blieb als Finanzminister im Kabinett, hatte jedoch zusätzliche Befugnisse.
Salazar blieb Finanzminister, während militärische Premierminister kamen und gingen. Nach seinem ersten erfolgreichen Amtsjahr verkörperte er nach und nach die finanzielle und politische Lösung für die Turbulenzen der Militärdiktatur, die keinen klaren Führer hervorgebracht hatte. Schließlich, am 5. Juli 1932, ernannte Präsident Carmona Salazar zum 100. Premierminister von Portugal, wonach er sich dem politischen Mainstream-Gefühl seines Landes annäherte. Die autoritäre Regierung bestand aus einer rechtsgerichteten Koalition, und er konnte die Moderaten jeder politischen Strömung mit Hilfe von Zensur und Unterdrückung gegen die Außenstehenden kooptieren. Diejenigen, die als echte Faschisten wahrgenommen wurden, wurden eingesperrt oder verbannt. Konservative Katholiken waren die ersten und loyalsten Anhänger Salazars, während konservative Republikaner, die nicht kooptiert werden konnten, zu seinen gefährlichsten Gegnern in der Frühzeit wurden. Sie versuchten mehrere Staatsstreiche, stellten aber nie eine Einheitsfront dar, weshalb diese Versuche leicht unterdrückt wurden. Obwohl er kein echter Monarchist war, gewann Salazar die Mehrheit der Monarchisten. Manuel II von Portugal, der im Exil lebende und abgeordnete letzte König von Portugal, unterstützte immer Salazar. Später, im Jahr 1932, wurde Salazars Tat wegen einer staatlichen Beerdigung des abtretenden Königs zugestanden. Die Nationalsyndikalisten waren hin und her gerissen zwischen der Unterstützung des Regimes und der Verurteilung als bürgerlich. Sie bekamen genug symbolische Zugeständnisse für Salazar, um die Moderaten für sich zu gewinnen, aber der Rest wurde von der politischen Polizei unterdrückt. Sie wurden kurz nach 1933 zum Schweigen gebracht, als Salazar versuchte, den Aufstieg des Nationalsozialismus in Portugal zu verhindern.
Salazars Aufstieg zur Macht wurde durch das öffentliche Image, das er als ehrlicher und effektiver Finanzminister kultivierte, die starke Unterstützung von Präsident Carmona und die durchdachte politische Positionierung erleichtert. Im Juli 1940 berichtete die amerikanische Zeitschrift Life von Life in einem Artikel über Portugal. In Bezug auf ihre jüngste chaotische Geschichte behauptete sie: "Jeder, der vor 15 Jahren Portugal sah, hätte wohl gesagt, es hätte den Tod verdient. Das war es grausam regiert, bankrott, verdorben, von Krankheit und Armut geplagt, es war ein solches Durcheinander, dass der Völkerbund ein Wort formulierte, um den absoluten Wohlstand der Nation zu beschreiben: "Portuguesé". Dann stürzte die Armee die Republik, die das Land gebracht hatte zu diesem traurigen Pass ". Life fügte hinzu, dass die Herrschaft in Portugal schwierig sei und erklärte, wie Salazar "ein Land im Chaos und in Armut" fand und es dann reformierte. [12][a]
Formation des Estado Novo [ edit ]
Salazar begründete seine politische Philosophie mit einer engen Interpretation der katholischen Soziallehre, ähnlich wie das heutige Regime von Engelbert Dollfuss in Österreich. Das als Korporatismus bekannte Wirtschaftssystem basierte auf ähnlichen Interpretationen der päpstlichen Enzykliken Rerum novarum (Leo XIII, 1891) und Quadragesimo anno die damit gemeint waren Klassenkampf zu verhindern und wirtschaftliche Anliegen sekundär zu sozialen Werten umzuwandeln. Rerum novarum argumentierte, dass Arbeitsgemeinschaften wie die Familie Teil der natürlichen Ordnung seien. Das Recht der Männer, sich in Gewerkschaften zu organisieren und sich an Arbeitstätigkeiten zu beteiligen, war daher inhärent und konnte weder vom Arbeitgeber noch vom Staat bestritten werden. Quadragesimo anno lieferte die Blaupause für die Errichtung des korporatistischen Systems.
Eine neue Verfassung wurde von einer Gruppe von Rechtsanwälten, Geschäftsleuten, Klerikern und Universitätsprofessoren verfasst, wobei Salazar der leitende Geist und auch Marcelo Caetano waren eine wichtige Rolle spielen. Die Verfassung schuf den Estado Novo ("Neuer Staat"), ein theoretisch korporatistischer Staat, der eher Interessengruppen als Individuen vertritt. Er wünschte sich ein System, in dem die Menschen durch Unternehmen und nicht durch Parteien vertreten würden und bei denen nationales Interesse Vorrang vor Teilansprüchen hatte. Salazar war der Ansicht, dass das Parteiensystem in Portugal unwiderruflich gescheitert sei. Die gesetzgebende Versammlung, die Nationalversammlung genannt wurde, war auf Mitglieder der National Union beschränkt, einer einzigen Partei. Es könnte Rechtsvorschriften einleiten, aber nur in Angelegenheiten, die keine Staatsausgaben erfordern. Die parallele Gesellschaftskammer umfasste Vertreter von Gemeinden, religiösen, kulturellen und beruflichen Gruppen sowie der offiziellen Arbeitersyndikate, die die freien Gewerkschaften ersetzten.
Laut Howard Wiarda "waren die Männer, die im Estado Novo an die Macht kamen, wirklich betroffen mit der Armut und Rückständigkeit ihrer Nation, sich von angloamerikanischen politischen Einflüssen zu trennen, ein neues indigenes politisches Modell zu entwickeln und die miserablen Lebensbedingungen sowohl der ländlichen als auch der städtischen Armen zu lindern.
Die von Salazar eingeführte neue Verfassung begründete Parlamentarische und autoritäre Regierung, die bis 1974 Bestand haben sollte. Der Präsident sollte für sieben Jahre durch Volksabstimmung gewählt werden. Auf dem Papier wurde das neue Dokument mit umfassenden, fast diktatorischen Befugnissen in den Händen des Präsidenten ausgestattet, einschließlich der Ernennungsbefugnis und entlassen den Premierminister. Der Präsident wurde als "Gleichgewicht" zu einer herausragenden Position erhoben Wheel ", der Verteidiger und oberste Schiedsrichter der nationalen Politik. [b] Präsident Carmona hatte Salazar jedoch seit seiner Ernennung zum Premierminister mehr oder weniger freie Hand gelassen und tat dies auch weiterhin; Carmona und seine Nachfolger würden größtenteils Galionsfigur sein, da er die wahre Macht ausübte. Wiarda argumentiert, dass Salazar seine Machtposition nicht nur aufgrund verfassungsmäßiger Bestimmungen erreicht habe, sondern auch aufgrund seines Charakters: herrschsüchtig, absolutistisch, ehrgeizig, fleißig und intellektuell brillant.
Die korporatistische Verfassung wurde im nationalen portugiesischen Verfassungsreferendum von 19 verabschiedet März 1933. Ein Jahr zuvor war ein Entwurf veröffentlicht worden, und die Öffentlichkeit wurde aufgefordert, etwaige Einwände in der Presse zu erheben. Diese neigten dazu, im Bereich der Allgemeinheit zu bleiben, und nur eine Handvoll Menschen, weniger als 6.000, stimmten gegen die neue Verfassung. Die neue Verfassung wurde mit 99,5% der Stimmen angenommen, aber mit 488.840 Stimmenthaltungen (bei einem eingetragenen Wählerverzeichnis von 1.330.258), die als "Ja" gezählt werden. [38] Hugh Kay weist darauf hin, dass die große Anzahl der Enthaltungen möglicherweise auf die Tatsache zurückzuführen ist Den Wählern wurde ein Paket angeboten, zu dem sie "Ja" oder "Nein" sagen mussten, ohne die Möglichkeit, eine Klausel zu akzeptieren und eine andere abzulehnen. In diesem Referendum durften in Portugal erstmals Frauen wählen. Ihr Wahlrecht war während der Ersten Republik trotz feministischer Bemühungen nicht erlangt worden, und selbst bei der Abstimmung im Referendum war die Sekundarbildung eine Voraussetzung für weibliche Wähler, während Männer nur lesen und schreiben konnten. [39]
Das Jahr 1933 markierte eine Wende in der portugiesischen Geschichte. Unter der Aufsicht von Salazar erließ Teotónio Pereira, der Unterstaatssekretär von Corporations and Social Welfare, der direkt an Salazar berichtete, umfangreiche Gesetze, die die korporatistische Struktur prägten und ein umfassendes soziales Wohlfahrtssystem initiierten. Dieses System war gleichermaßen antikapitalistisch und antisozialistisch. Die Korporatisierung der Arbeiterklasse ging einher mit einer strengen Gesetzgebung zur Regulierung der Wirtschaft. Arbeitnehmerorganisationen waren der staatlichen Kontrolle unterstellt, gewährten jedoch eine Legitimität, die sie zuvor nie hatten, und wurden zu einer Vielzahl neuer sozialer Programme. Es ist jedoch wichtig anzumerken, dass korporatistische Agenturen selbst in den enthusiastischen frühen Jahren nicht im Zentrum der Macht standen, und daher war Korporatismus nicht die wahre Basis des gesamten Systems.
Im Jahr 1934 verbannte Salazar Francisco Rolão Preto als Teil einer Säuberung der Führung der portugiesischen Nationalsyndikalisten, auch bekannt als camisas azuis ("Blaue Hemden"). Salazar verurteilte die Nationalsyndikalisten als "von bestimmten fremden Modellen inspiriert" (dh deutscher Nationalsozialismus) und verurteilte ihre "Erhebung der Jugend", den Gewaltkult durch direkte Aktion, das Prinzip der Überlegenheit staatlicher politischer Macht im gesellschaftlichen Leben [and]. die Neigung zur Organisation von Massen hinter einem einzigen Führer "als grundlegende Unterschiede zwischen dem Faschismus und dem katholischen Korporatismus des Estado Novo . Salazars eigene Partei, die National Union, wurde als untergeordneter Dachverband gegründet, um das Regime selbst zu unterstützen, und hatte daher keine eigene Philosophie. Zu dieser Zeit befürchteten viele europäische Länder das destruktive Potenzial des Kommunismus. Salazar verbot nicht nur marxistische Parteien, sondern auch revolutionäre faschistisch-syndikalistische Parteien. Eine übergeordnete Kritik an seinem Regime ist, dass Stabilität auf Kosten der Unterdrückung von Menschenrechten und Freiheiten erkauft und aufrechterhalten wurde.
Der Estado Novo wurde von dem amerikanischen sozialistischen Autor David L. Raby als US-amerikanischer Autor beschrieben Rechtsextremistisches Regime para-faschistischer Inspiration, obwohl die generelle Benennung Portugals als Faschismus nach der Niederlage des nationalsozialistischen Deutschland und des faschistischen Italiens im Zweiten Weltkrieg zurückging. [43] Der korporatistische Staat hatte einige Ähnlichkeiten mit dem italienischen Faschismus von Benito Mussolini, jedoch beträchtlich Unterschiede in seiner moralischen Haltung gegenüber dem Regieren. Obwohl Salazar Mussolini bewunderte und von seiner Arbeitscharta von 1927 beeinflusst wurde, distanzierte er sich von der faschistischen Diktatur, die er als heidnisch-kaiserliches politisches System betrachtete, das weder gesetzliche noch moralische Grenzen erkannte. Salazar betrachtete auch den deutschen Nationalsozialismus als Befürworter heidnischer Elemente, die er als abstoßend empfand. Unmittelbar vor dem Zweiten Weltkrieg erklärte Salazar diese Erklärung: "Wir sind gegen alle Formen von Internationalismus, Kommunismus, Sozialismus, Syndikalismus und allem, was die Familie teilen oder verringern oder zerstören kann. Wir sind gegen Klassenkrieg, Irreligion und Loyalität gegenüber das Land seines Landes; gegen die Leibeigenschaft eine materialistische Lebensauffassung und könnte recht sein. "
Der Historiker Robert Paxton stellt fest, dass eines der Hauptprobleme bei der Definition des Faschismus darin bestand, dass es weitgehend nachgeahmt wurde. Er sagt: "In der Blütezeit des Faschismus in den 1930er Jahren haben sich viele Regime, die keine funktional faschistischen Elemente waren, Elemente des faschistischen Dekors entlehnt, um sich eine Aura von Kraft, Vitalität und Massenmobilisierung zu verleihen." Er stellt fest, dass Salazar "den portugiesischen Faschismus zerquetscht hat, nachdem er einige seiner Techniken der Mobilisierung des Volkes kopiert hatte." [45]
Sichern des Regimes [ ]
Salazar stützte sich auf die Geheimpolizei um die Richtlinien durchzusetzen, die er umsetzen wollte. Die Polícia de Vigilância e de Defesa do Estado (PVDE) ("Staatliche Verteidigungs- und Überwachungspolizei") wurde 1933 gegründet. Sie wurde 1945 durch die umgestaltete Polícia Internacional de Defesa do Estado ersetzt (PIDE) ("Internationale und Landesverteidigungspolizei"), die bis 1969 dauerte (und von diesem Jahr bis 1974 unter Marcelo Caetano war es die Direcção Geral de Segurança (DGS) ("General") Sicherheitsbehörde "). Die Geheimpolizei diente nicht nur dem Schutz der nationalen Sicherheit in einem modernen Sinn, sondern auch der Unterdrückung der politischen Gegner des Regimes, insbesondere derjenigen, die mit der internationalen kommunistischen Bewegung oder der Sowjetunion in Verbindung stehen, was das Regime als eine von den Regisseuren betrachtete Bedrohung für Portugal.
Spanischer Bürgerkrieg [ edit ]
Der spanische Bürgerkrieg, der im Juli 1936 begann, war der angebliche Grund für die Radikalisierung des Regimes. Intern musste sich das Regime einem monarchistischen Aufstand von 1935, einem drohenden linken Putsch von 1936 und mehreren Bomben und Verschwörungen in den Jahren 1936 und 1937, darunter einem Attentat auf Salazar im Jahr 1937, stellen. Gleichzeitig waren spanische republikanische Agenten in Lissabon aktiv und spanische Truppen wurden an der verwundbaren Grenze Portugals stationiert, was die portugiesische Souveränität ernsthaft bedrohte.
Zu Beginn des spanischen Bürgerkriegs übernahm Salazar als Kriegsminister und Außenminister zusätzliche Portfolios, behielt jedoch die Führung des Finanzministeriums bei und somit noch mehr Macht in seinen Händen.
Salazar unterstützte Francisco Franco und die Nationalisten in ihrem Krieg gegen die Streitkräfte der Zweiten Republik sowie die Anarchisten und die Kommunisten. Die Nationalisten hatten schon früh keinen Zugang zu Seehäfen, daher half Salazars Portugal, Rüstungslieferungen aus dem Ausland zu erhalten, darunter auch Munition, wenn einigen nationalistischen Truppen praktisch keine Munition mehr zur Verfügung stand. Daher nannten die Nationalisten Lissabon "den Hafen von Kastilien". [47] Später sprach Franco in einem Interview in der Zeitung Le Figaro von Salazar in glühenden Worten: "Der vollständigste Staatsmann, der würdigste Aus Respekt ist mir Salazar bekannt. Ich betrachte ihn als eine außergewöhnliche Persönlichkeit für seine Intelligenz, seinen politischen Sinn und seine Bescheidenheit. Sein einziger Mangel ist wahrscheinlich seine Bescheidenheit. "
Am 8. September 1936 fand ein Aufstand der Seeleute statt in Lissabon. Die Besatzungen zweier portugiesischer Kriegsschiffe, der NRP Afonso de Albuquerque und der Dão, meuterten. Die Matrosen, die der Kommunistischen Partei angeschlossen waren, sperrten ihre Offiziere ein und versuchten, die Schiffe aus Lissabon zu segeln, um sich den spanischen republikanischen Streitkräften anzuschließen, die in Spanien kämpften. Salazar befahl, die Schiffe durch Schüsse zu zerstören. Am folgenden Tag werden Treueeid für alle Mitglieder des öffentlichen Dienstes obligatorisch, und die Zensur wurde stark verschärft. Jeder Regierungsfunktionär musste erklären, dass er den Kommunismus ablehnte. Der antikommunistische Kreuzzug zielte darauf ab, den Kommunismus, aber auch die demokratische Opposition auszurotten. Die verurteilten Matrosen des Flottenaufstandes von 1936 waren die ersten, die in das von Salazar auf den Kapverdischen Inseln eingerichtete Tarrafal-Gefangenenlager geschickt wurden, um politische Gefangene unterzubringen. Es wurde als "langsames Todeslager" bezeichnet, in dem Dutzende politischer Gefangener (hauptsächlich Kommunisten, aber auch Anhänger anderer Ideologien) unter unmenschlichen ungesunden Bedingungen bei extrem heißem Wetter inhaftiert waren und starben. [50] [19659004ImJanuar1938ernannteSalazarTeotónioPereiraalsbesondereVerbindungderportugiesischenRegierungmitderRegierungvonFrancowoergroßesAnsehenundEinflusserlangteImApril1938wurdePereiraoffiziellzueinemvollwertigenportugiesischenBotschafterinSpanienunderbliebwährenddesgesamtenZweitenWeltkriegsindiesemAmt
Nur wenige Tage vor dem Ende des spanischen Bürgerkriegs, am 17. März 1939, in Portugal und Spanien unterzeichnete den Iberischen Pakt, einen Nichtangriffsvertrag, der den Beginn einer neuen Phase in den iberischen Beziehungen markiert. Treffen zwischen Franco und Salazar spielten in dieser neuen politischen Vereinbarung eine grundlegende Rolle. [53] Der Pakt erwies sich als entscheidendes Instrument, um die Iberische Halbinsel von Hitlers kontinentalem System fernzuhalten.
Attentat edit ]
Der Radikalismus des Regimes stieß natürlich auf Widerstand. Emídio Santana, Gründer der Sindicato Nacional dos Metalúrgicos ("Metallurgists National Union") und ein Anarchosyndikalist, der an Geheimtätigkeiten gegen die Diktatur beteiligt war, versuchten am 4. Juli 1937, Salazar zu ermorden Sein Weg zur Messe in einer privaten Kapelle in einem Haus eines Freundes in der Barbosa du Bocage Avenue in Lissabon. Als er aus seiner Buick-Limousine stieg, explodierte eine in einem eisernen Koffer versteckte Bombe nur drei Meter entfernt. Die Explosion ließ Salazar unberührt, aber sein Chauffeur wurde taub. Ein Jahr später argumentierten die Bischöfe des Landes in einem kollektiven Brief, es sei eine "Tat Gottes", die Salazars Leben erhalten habe. Das offizielle Auto wurde durch einen gepanzerten Chrysler Imperial ersetzt. [55] Emídio Santana, der von der PIDE PIDE gekauft wurde, flüchtete nach Großbritannien, wo er von britischer Polizei festgenommen und nach Portugal zurückgebracht wurde. Er wurde dann zu 16 Jahren Gefängnis verurteilt. [56]
Zweiter Weltkrieg [ edit ]
Salazar hatte die schweren Zeiten des 1. Weltkrieges durchgemacht, an denen Portugal während der Periode teilgenommen hatte der Ersten Republik; Während des Zweiten Weltkriegs folgte der Zweite Weltkrieg. Salazar wurde weithin gelobt, weil er Portugal im Zweiten Weltkrieg neutral gehalten hatte. Schon zu Beginn des Krieges im Jahr 1939 war Salazar überzeugt, dass Großbritannien Verletzungen erleiden, aber ungeschlagen bleiben würde, dass die Vereinigten Staaten in den Konflikt eintreten und die Alliierten gewinnen würden. Der amerikanische Journalist Henry J. Taylor kommentierte: "Ich habe keinen weiteren kontinentaleuropäischen Führer gefunden, der damals mit ihm einverstanden war." [57]
Neutrality [ edit
1934, einige Jahre vor dem Krieg begann, stellte Salazar in einer offiziellen Rede klar, dass der portugiesische Nationalismus "das heidnische Ideal und das Anti-Menschen-Wesen, um eine Rasse oder ein Imperium zu verurteilen" [58] enthielt, und 1937 veröffentlichte Salazar erneut ein Buch, in dem er die Nürnberger Gesetze kritisierte Er wurde 1935 in Deutschland verabschiedet und hielt es für bedauerlich, dass der deutsche Nationalismus "durch so gut ausgeprägte Rassemerkmale" "geknittert" wurde, was den rechtlichen Standpunkt, die Unterscheidung zwischen Bürger und Subjekt auferlegt hatte - und dies mit der Gefahr gefährlicher Folgen. " [59]
Salazar dachte über den Zweiten Weltkrieg nach," ein deutscher Sieg bedeutete eine Katastrophe für die Rechtsstaatlichkeit und für periphere, landwirtschaftliche Länder wie Portugal. "[60] Salazars Abneigung gegen den Nazi-Regime in Deutschland und seine imperialen Ambitionen wurden nur durch seine Auffassung vom Deutschen Reich als Bastion gegen die Ausbreitung des Kommunismus und nicht als verbündete Nation gemildert. Er hatte die spanische nationalistische Sache aus Furcht vor einer kommunistischen Invasion in Portugal favorisiert, aber er war unruhig angesichts der Aussicht auf eine spanische Regierung, die durch starke Beziehungen zu den Achsenmächten gestärkt wurde. Salazars Neutralitätspolitik für Portugal im Zweiten Weltkrieg beinhaltete daher eine strategische Komponente. Das Land hielt immer noch Überseegebiete, die Portugal nicht vor militärischen Angriffen verteidigen konnte. Die Unterstützung der Achsenmächte hätte Portugal in einen Konflikt mit Großbritannien gebracht, was wahrscheinlich zum Verlust seiner Kolonien geführt hätte, während es sich bei den Alliierten um die Gefahr der Sicherheit des Heimatlandes auf dem Festland handelte. Als Preis für das Verbleiben der Neutralität exportierte Portugal weiterhin Wolfram und andere Waren sowohl in die Achsenmitte (teilweise über die Schweiz) als auch in die Länder der Alliierten. [62]
Am 1. September 1939, zu Beginn des Zweiten Weltkriegs, die Portugiesen Die Regierung gab bekannt, dass das 600 Jahre alte anglo-portugiesische Bündnis intakt geblieben sei. Da die Briten jedoch keine portugiesische Hilfe in Anspruch nahmen, könne Portugal im Krieg neutral bleiben und würde dies tun. In an aide-mémoire of 5 September 1939, the British Government confirmed the understanding.
Responses[edit]
British strategists regarded Portuguese non-belligerency as "essential to keep Spain from entering the war on the side of the Axis". Britain recognised Salazar's important role on 15 May 1940, when Douglas Veale, Registrar of the University of Oxford, informed him that the University's Hebdomadal Council had "unanimously decided at its meeting last Monday, to invite you [Salazar] to accept the Honorary Degree of Doctor of Civil Law".[65] The same Life magazine article of July 1940 that praised Salazar's work on behalf of the Portuguese nation commented, "this year, for [the] first time in centuries, Portugal is important to America. It is the funnel through which to pour all the exchanges – of people and messages and diplomacy – between America and Europe. The war, by cutting the lines of intercourse to Northern Europe, has made Portugal what [one might say] geography intended – not a faraway corner of Europe but its front door."[12][a] In September 1940, Winston Churchill wrote to Salazar to congratulate him for his policy of keeping Portugal out of the war, avowing that "as so oft en before during the many centuries of the Anglo-Portuguese alliance, British and Portuguese interests are identical on this vital question."Sir Samuel Hoare, the British Ambassador in Madrid from 1940 to 1944, recognised Salazar's crucial role in keeping Iberia neutral during World War II, and lauded him for it. Hoare averred that "Salazar detested Hitler and all his works" and that his corporative state was fundamentally different from a Nazi or fascist state, with Salazar never leaving a doubt of his desire for a Nazi defeat.[c] Historian Carlton Hayes, a pioneering specialist on the study of nationalism, was the American Ambassador in Spain during the war. He met Salazar in person and also praised him, expressing a similar opinion to Hoare's in his book Wartime Mission in Spain.[d] In November 1943, the British Ambassador in Lisbon, Sir Ronald Campbell, wrote, paraphrasing Salazar, that "strict neutrality was the price the allies paid for strategic benefits accruing from Portugal's neutrality and that if her neutrality instead of being strict had been more benevolent in our favour Spain would inevitably have thrown herself body and soul into the arms of Germany. If this had happened the Peninsula would have been occupied and then North Africa, with the result that the whole course of the war would have been altered to the advantage of the Axis."[69]
Sir Ronald Campbell saw Salazar as fundamentally loyal to the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance. When in May 1943, in the Third Washington Conference, codenamed Trident, the conferees agreed on the occupation of the Azores (Operation Alacrity)[71] the British Ambassador reacted to the US State Department's suggestion as "particularly ill-timed and incomprehensible at the present juncture." He recalled that at the outset of the war, Salazar had remained neutral with British approval and stated that "he [Salazar] would answer the call if it were made on grounds of dire necessity". The British Ambassador was correct, and when in August 1943 the British requested military base facilities in the Azores, invoking the alliance, Salazar responded favourably and quickly: Portugal allowed these bases, letting the British use the Azorean ports of Horta (on the island of Faial) and Ponta Delgada (on the island of São Miguel), and the airfields of Lajes Field (on Terceira Island) and Santana Field (on São Miguel Island). From November 1943, when the British gained use of the Azores, to June 1945, 8,689 US aircraft departed from Lajes, including 1,200 B-17 and B-24 bomber aircraft ferried across the Atlantic. Cargo aircraft carried vital personnel and equipment to North Africa, to the United Kingdom and – after the Allies gained a foothold in Western Europe – to Orly Field near Paris. Flights returning from Europe carried wounded servicemen. Medical personnel at Lajes handled approximately 30,000 air evacuations en route to the United States for medical care and rehabilitation. Use of Lajes Field reduced flying time between Brazil and West Africa from 70 hours to 40, a considerable reduction that enabled aircraft to make almost twice as many crossings, clearly demonstrating the geographic value of the Azores during the war. The British diplomat Sir George Rendell stated that the Portuguese Republican Government of Bernardino Machado was "far more difficult to deal with as an ally during the First War than the infinitely better Government of Salazar was as a neutral in the Second."
Refugees[edit]
The principal reason for the neutrality of Portugal in World War II was strategic, and within the compass of the overall objectives of the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance. This modest, but complex role allowed Portugal to rescue a large number of war refugees.
Portugal's official nationalism was not grounded in race or biology. Salazar argued that Portuguese nationalism did not glorify a single race because such a notion was pagan and anti-human. In 1937, he published a book entitled Como se Levanta um Estado (How to Raise a State), in which he criticised the philosophical ideals behind Nazi Germany's Nuremberg laws.[73] In 1938, he sent a telegram to the Portuguese Embassy in Berlin, ordering that it should be made clear to the German Reich that Portuguese law did not allow any distinction based on race, and that therefore, Portuguese Jewish citizens could not be discriminated against.[74] In the previous year, Adolfo Benarus, Honorary Chairman of COMASSIS[e] and a leader of the Lisbon's Jewish Community, published a book in which he applauded the lack of anti-Semitism in Portugal.[75] In 2011, Avraham Milgram, Yad Vashem historian, said that modern anti-Semitism failed "to establish even a toehold in Portugal", while it grew virulently elsewhere in early 20th-century Europe.
On 26 June 1940, four days after France's capitulation to Germany, Salazar authoris ed the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society (HIAS-HICEM) in Paris to transfer its main office to Lisbon. According to the Lisbon Jewish community, Salazar held Moisés Bensabat Amzalak, the leader of the Lisbon Jewish community, in high esteem, and allowed Amzalak to play an important role in getting Salazar's permission for the transfer.[77][78]
In July 1940, the civilian population of Gibraltar was evacuated due to imminent attacks expected from Nazi Germany. At that time, Portuguese Madeira agreed to host about 2,500 Gibraltarian refugees, mostly women and children, who arrived at Funchal between 21 July and 13 August 1940 and remained there until the end of the war.[79]
Portugal, particularly Lisbon, was one of the last European exit points to the US,[f] and a large number of refugees found shelter in Portugal. The Portuguese consul general in Bordeaux, Aristides de Sousa Mendes, helped several, and his actions were not unique by any means. Issuing visas in contravention of instructions was widespread at Portuguese consulates all over Europe, although some cases were supported by Salazar. The Portuguese Ambassador in Budapest, Carlos Sampaio Garrido helped an estimated 1,000 Hungarian Jews in 1944. Along with Carlos de Liz-Texeira Branquinho, they rented houses and apartments to shelter and protect refugees from deportation and murder. On 28 April 1944, the Hungarian Gestapo raided the ambassador's home and arrested his guests. The ambassador, who physically resisted the police, was also arrested, but managed to have his guests released on the grounds of extraterritoriality of diplomatic legations. In 2010, Garrido was recognised as Righteous Among the Nations by Yad Vashem. Other Portuguese who deserve credit for saving Jews during the war include Professor Francisco Paula Leite Pinto and Moisés Bensabat Amzalak. A devoted Jew, and a supporter of Salazar, Amzalak headed the Lisbon Jewish community for 52 years, from 1926 until 1978.
Large numbers of political dissidents, including Abwehr personnel, sought refuge in Portugal after the plot of 20 July 1944 to assassinate Adolf Hitler. Until late 1942, immigration was very restricted. In cases in which refugees were suspected to desire not simply to pass through Portugal in transit to their destination, but rather intended to remain in the country, the consulates needed to get a previous authorization from Lisbon. This was frequently the case with foreigners of indefinite or contested nationality, stateless individuals, Russians, and Jews expelled from their countries of origin.[82] Other refugees on their way to the Americas were allowed to use the country as an escape route. The list of famous people that used Portugal as an escape route in this way is quite extensive and includes names such as Menachem Mendel Schneerson, Peggy Guggenheim, Max Ernst, Marc Chagall, Arthur Koestler, Calouste Gulbenkian, Otto von Habsburg, etc. The novel The Night In Lisbon by Erich Maria Remarque is a fictionalised description of the experience of European political refugees seeking escape from Nazism via Portugal in this era and the plot focuses heavily on the difficulty many had of obtaining the documents and money they needed to leave.
The number of refugees who escaped through Portugal during the war has been estimated to range from a few hundred thousand to one million, large numbers considering the size of the country's population of about 6 million at that time.[83] After the war, Portugal kept on welcoming and supporting refugees. In an operation organised by Caritas Portugal from 1947 to 1952, 5,500 Austrian children, most of them orphans, were transported by train from Vienna to Lisbon and then sent to the foster care of Portuguese families.[84]
Among the many refugees accepted into Portugal for political and religious asylum, Miklós Horthy, the war-time leader of Hungary, who had participated alongside the Germans, was granted asylum status. In 1950, the Horthy family managed to find a home in Portugal, thanks to Miklós Jr.'s contacts with Portuguese diplomats in Switzerland. Horthy and members of his family were relocated to the seaside town of Estoril, in the house address Rua Dom Afonso Henriques, 1937 2765.573 Estoril.
Maintaining the regime[edit]
In spite of the Salazar regime's use of censorship and inhumane imprisonment of political prisoners in order to suppress dissent, Life magazine in July 1940 spoke of him with approbation, describing him as a "a benevolent ruler" and adding that "unambitious, Salazar took the dictatorship by Army request and holds it by popular will. (...) The Salazar dictatorship is easygoing and paternalistic, with wide freedom of speech allowed to its enemies. (...) Friends of democracy may deplore Salazar the dictator but they cannot deny that under the Republic Portugal made an unholy mess of itself and Salazar pulled it out."[12][a] A reporter from the National Geographic Magazine was surprised with the liberties he enjoyed while in Lisbon, a level of freedom that, according to the reporter, was not available in any other European capital.[85]
In October 1945, Salazar announced a liberalisation program designed to restore civil rights that had been suppressed during the Spanish Civil War and World War II in hopes of improving the image of his regime in Western circles. The measures included parliamentary elections, a general political amnesty, restoration of freedom of the press, curtailment of legal repression and a commitment to introduce the right of habeas corpus. The regime started to organise itself around a broad coalition, the Movement of Democratic Unity (MUD), which ranged from ultra-Catholics and fringe elements of the extreme right to the Portuguese Communist Party. Initially, the MUD was controlled by the moderate opposition, but it soon became strongly influenced by the Communist Party, which controlled its youth wing. In the leadership were several communists, among them Octávio Pato, Salgado Zenha, Mário Soares, Júlio Pomar and Mário Sacramento.[86] This influence led the MUD to be outlawed by the government in 1948 after several waves of suppression. Restrictions that had been temporarily lifted were then gradually reinstated.
As the Cold War started, Salazar's Estado Novo remained unmistakably authoritarian. Salazar had been able to hold onto power by virtue of the public's recollection of the chaos that had characterised Portuguese life before 1926. However, by the 1950s, a new generation emerged that had no collective memory of the previous state. The clearest sign of this came in the Portuguese presidential election of 1958. Most neutral observers believed that the candidate of the democratic opposition, Humberto Delgado, would have defeated the candidate of the Salazar regime, Américo Tomás, had the election been conducted fairly. Well aware that the president's power to sack the prime minister was theoretically the only check on Salazar's power, Delgado stated that one of his first acts would be to dismiss Salazar if he were elected. Delgado was able to rally support from a wide range of opposition viewpoints. Among his supporters were some controversial figures, namely the press campaign manager Francisco Rolão Preto, a former Nazi sympathiser and former leader of the Blue Shirts, who had been exiled by Salazar in the 1930s.[87] An official announcement in 1958 stated that Delgado received one-fourth of the votes, in total approximately a million. The following year, the 70-year-old Salazar, alarmed by the episode, changed the selection of the president to a vote by the two parliamentary bodies, both under his control. Delgado was expelled from the Portuguese military and took refuge in the Brazilian embassy before going into exile. Much of his banishment was spent in Brazil and later in Algeria, as a guest of Ahmed Ben Bella. Later, in 1965, he was lured into an ambush by the PIDE (the regime's secret police) near the border town of Olivenza. Delgado and his Brazilian secretary Arajaryr Moreira de Campos were killed while trying to enter Portugal clandestinely. An official statement claimed that Delgado was shot and killed in self-defence, despite Delgado being unarmed; his secretary was strangled.
In 1968, Salazar suffered a brain hemorrhage when he fell in a bath.[89] As he became incapacitated, President Tomás, after hearing from various experts, appointed Marcelo Caetano in his place with some reluctance. Despite the injury, Salazar lived for another two years. When he unexpectedly recovered lucidity, his intimates did not tell him he had been removed from power, instead allowing him to "rule" in privacy until his death in July 1970.
Colonial policies[edit]
During the last years of the monarchy and of the First Republic in Portugal, an attempt was made to obtain firmer control over the claimed African possessions. One reason the government dragged itself into World War I was the defence of the African empire, considered a part of the national identity.
Salazar briefly served as minister of colonies before assuming the premiership, and in that capacity he prepared the Colonial Act of 1930,[91] which centralised the administration of the overseas territories in his own system and proclaimed the need to bring indigenous peoples into western civilisation and the Portuguese nation. Assimilation was the main objective, except for the Atlantic colony of Cape Verde (which was seen as an extension of Portugal) and the Asian colonies of India and Macau (which were seen as having their own forms of "civilization"). As it had been before Salazar's tenure in the office, a clear legal distinction continued to be made between indigenous peoples and other citizens – the latter mostly Europeans, some Creole elites and a few black Africans. A special statute was given to native communities to accommodate their tribal traditions. In theory, it established a framework that would allow natives to be gradually assimilated into Portuguese culture and citizenship, while in reality the percentage of assimilated African population never reached one per cent.
In 1945, Portugal still had an extensive colonial empire that encompassed Cape Verde, São Tomé e Príncipe, Angola (including Cabinda), Portuguese Guinea, and Mozambique in Africa; Portuguese India in South Asia; and Macau and Timor in the Far East. Salazar wanted Portugal to be relevant internationally, and the country's overseas colonies made that possible.
In 1947, Captain Henrique Galvão, a Portuguese parliamentarian, submitted a report disclosing the situation of forced labor and precarious health services in the Portuguese colonies of Africa. The natives, it said, were simply regarded as beasts of burden. Galvão's courageous report eventually led to his downfall, and in 1952, he was arrested for subversive activities. Although the Estatuto do Indigenato ('Indigenous Statute') set standards for indigenes to obtain Portuguese citizenship until it was abolished in 1961, the conditions of the native populations of the colonies were still harsh, and they suffered inferior legal status under its policies.[94][95] Under the Colonial Act, African Natives could be forced to work. By requiring all African men to pay a tax in Portuguese currency, the government created a situation in which a large percentage of men in any given year could only earn the specie needed to pay the tax by going to work for a colonial employer. In practice, this enabled settlers to use forced labor on a massive scale, frequently leading to horrific abuses.
Following the Second World War, the colonial system was subject to growing dissatisfaction, and in the early 1950s the United Kingdom launched a process of decolonization. Belgium and France followed suit. Unlike the other European colonial powers, Salazar attempted to resist this tide and maintain the integrity of the empire.
In order to justify Portugal's colonial policies and Portugal's alleged civilising mission, Salazar ended up adopting Gilberto Freyre's theories of Lusotropicalism, which maintained that the Portuguese had a special talent for adapting to environments, cultures and the peoples who lived in the tropics in order to build harmonious multiracial societies. Such a view has long been criticised, notably by Charles R. Boxer, a prominent historian of colonial empires.[g]
In general, the defense of the Portuguese colonial empire was consensual in Portuguese society. Most of Salazar's political opponents (with the exception of the Portuguese Communist Party) also strongly favoured colonialist policies. This was the case with João Lopes Soares (father of Mário Soares), who had been minister of colonies, General Norton de Matos, the leader of the opposition supported by Mário Soares[h] and António Sérgio, a prominent Salazar opponent.
Salazar's reluctance to travel abroad, his increasing determination not to grant independence to the colonies and his refusal to grasp the impossibility of his regime outliving him marked the final years of his tenure. "Proudly alone" was the motto of his final decade. For the Portuguese ruling regime, the overseas empire was a matter of national identity.[98]
In the 1960s, armed revolutionary movements and scattered guerrilla activity reached Mozambique, Angola, and Portuguese Guinea. Except in Portuguese Guinea, the Portuguese army and naval forces were able to suppress most of these insurgencies effectively through a well-planned counter-insurgency campaign using light infantry, militia, and special operations forces. However, despite the early military successes, Colonel Francisco da Costa Gomes quickly pointed out that there could be no permanent military solution for Portugal's colonial problem. In 1961, General Júlio Botelho Moniz, after being nominated Minister of Defense, tried to convince President Américo Tomás in a constitutional "coup d'état" to remove an aged Salazar from the premiership. Botelho Moniz ended up being removed from his government position. His political ally Francisco da Costa Gomes was nonetheless allowed to publish a letter in the newspaper "Diario Popular" reiterating his view that a military solution in Africa was unlikely.
In the 1960s, most of the world ostracised the Portuguese government because of its colonial policy, especially the newly independent African nations. Domestically, factions within Portugal's elite, including business, military, intellectuals and the church started to challenge Salazar and his policies. Later, despite tentative overtures towards an opening of the regime, Marcelo Caetano balked at ending the colonial war, notwithstanding the condemnation of most of the international community. The Carnation Revolution brought retreat from the colonies and acceptance of their independence, the subsequent power vacuum leading to the inception of newly independent communist states in 1975, notably the People's Republic of Angola and the People's Republic of Mozambique, which promptly began to expel all of their white Portuguese citizens.[99][100] As a result, over a million Portuguese became destitute refugees – the retornados.
Goa dispute[edit]
Of the colonies remaining to Portugal at the end of World War II, Goa was the first to be lost (in 1961). A brief conflict drew a mixture of worldwide praise and condemnation for Portugal. In India, the action was seen as a liberation of territory historically Indian by reason of its geographical position, while Portugal viewed it as an aggression against its national soil and its own citizens.
After India gained independence on 15 August 1947, the British and French vacated their colonial possessions in the new country. Subsequently, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru initiated proceedings to find a diplomatic solution to the Goa problem. The Portuguese had been in Goa since 1510, while an independent India had only just been established. Nehru argued that the Goans were Indians by every standard and that Goa was a colony ruthlessly administered by a racist and fascist colonial regime, "just a pimple on the face of India", in his famous phrase. Salazar maintained that in spite of Goa's location and the nature of Portugal's political system, it was a province of Portugal as integral to his nation as the Algarve. Salazar further asserted that Goans nowhere considered or called themselves Indians, but rather deemed themselves to be Portuguese of Goa and that Goans were represented in the Portuguese legislature; indeed, some had risen to the highest levels of government and the administration of Portuguese universities. The Goans had Portuguese citizenship with full rights, thus access to all governmental posts and the ability to earn their living in any part of the Portuguese territories.
Throughout the debate between Salazar and Nehru, Goans seem to have been apathetic regarding either position,[101] and there were no signs in Goa of discontentment with the Portuguese regime. Reports from Times correspondents suggested that not only were the residents of Goa unexcited by the prospect of Indian sovereignty, but that even the diaspora was less energised than the Indian government was prone to suggest.
With an Indian military operation imminent, Salazar ordered Governor General Manuel Vassalo e Silva to fight to the last man and adopt a scorched earth policy.[103]
Eventually, India launched Operation Vijay in December 1961 to evict Portugal from Goa, Daman and Diu. 31 Portuguese soldiers were killed in action, and the Portuguese Navy frigate NRP Alfonso de Albuquerque was destroyed, before General Vassalo e Silva surrendered. Salazar forced the general into exile for disobeying his order to fight to the last man and surrendering to the Indian Army.
Statements deploring India's resort to force in Goa, Daman, and Diu were made by governmental leaders and official spokesmen in many countries, including the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Pakistan, France, the Netherlands, Spain, and Western Germany. On the other hand, full support for the Indian action was expressed by the Soviet Union and all Soviet-bloc countries, Yugoslavia, the Arab States, Ghana, Ceylon, and Indonesia. Adlai Stevenson, the American Ambassador to the United Nations, stated "we are confronted by the shocking news that the Indian Minister of Defence Krishna Menon, so well known in these halls for his advice on peace and his tireless enjoinders to everyone else to seek the way of compromise, was on the borders of Goa inspecting his troops at the zero hour of invasion." Stevenson further accused India of violation of one of the most basic principles of the U.N. Charter, stated in Article 2. On the other hand, Valerian Zorin, the Soviet Ambassador to the United Nations, maintained that the Goan question was wholly within India's domestic jurisdiction and could not be considered by the Security Council.[104]
Aid to Rhodesia[edit]
Salazar was a close friend of Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith. After Rhodesia proclaimed its Unilateral Declaration of Independence from Britain in 1965, Portugal supported it economically and militarily through neighbouring Portuguese Mozambique until 1975, even though it never officially recognised the new Rhodesian state, which was governed by a white minority elite. In 1975, the Mozambican Liberation Front took over the rule of Mozambique following negotiations with the new Portuguese regime installed by the Carnation Revolution. Ian Smith later wrote in his biography The Great Betrayal that had Salazar lasted longer than he did, the Rhodesian government would have survived to the present day, ruled by a black majority government under the name of Zimbabwe Rhodesia.[98]
International relations after World War II[edit]
Despite the authoritarian character of the regime, Portugal did not experience the same levels of international isolation as Spain did following World War II. Unlike Spain, Portugal under Salazar was accepted into the Marshall Plan (1947–1948) in return for the aid it gave to the Allies during the final stages of the war. Furthermore, also unlike Spain, it was one of the 12 founding members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) in 1949, a reflection of Portugal's role as an ally against communism during the Cold War in spite of its status as the only non-democratic founder. In 1950, Portugal joined the European Payments Union and participated in the founding of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) in 1960 and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development in 1961. It joined the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade in 1962, and finally, Portugal signed a free trade agreement with the European Economic Community in 1972, still under the auspices of the Estado Novo.[105]
Education and literacy rates[edit]
Although the militants of the First Republic had chosen education as one of their banner causes, the evidence shows that the more democratic First Republic was less successful than the authoritarian Estado Novo in expanding elementary education. Under the First Republic, literacy levels in children aged 7 to 14 registered a modest increase from 26 per cent in 1911 to 33 per cent in 1930. Under the Estado Novoliteracy levels in children aged 7 to 14 increased to 56 per cent in 1940, 77 per cent in 1950 and 97 per cent in 1960.[106]
In the 1960s, Portugal made public education available for all children between the ages of six and twelve and founded universities in the overseas provinces of Angola and Mozambique (the University of Luanda and the University of Lourenço Marques). In 1971, it recognised the Portuguese Catholic University, and by 1973 founded several state-run universities across mainland Portugal (the Minho University, the New University of Lisbon, the University of Évora, and the University of Aveiro). In addition, the long-established universities of Lisbon and Coimbra were greatly expanded and modernised. New buildings and campuses were constructed, such as the Cidade Universitária (Lisbon) and the Alta Universitária (Coimbra).
The last two decades of the Estado Novo, from the 1960s to the 1974 Carnation Revolution were marked by strong investment in secondary and university education, which experienced one of the fastest growth rates of Portuguese education in history.
Economic policies[edit]
After the politically unstable and financially chaotic years of the Portuguese First Republic, financial stability was Salazar's highest priority. His first incursions into Portuguese politics as a member of the cabinet were during the Ditadura Nacionalwhen Portugal's public finances and the economy in general were in a critical state, with an imminent threat of default since at least the 1890s.[12] After Salazar became prime minister, he levied numerous taxes to balance the Portuguese budget and pay external debts. Salazar's first years were marked by the Great Depression and the Second World War. The first era of his rule was thus an economic program based on the policies of autarky and interventionism, which were popular in the 1930s as a response to the Great Depression.[107] Under Salazar, the Portuguese budget went from insolvency to showing a substantial surplus every year from 1928. Portugal's credit worthiness rose in foreign markets and the external floating debt was completely paid. However, Portugal remained largely underdeveloped, its population relatively poor and with low education attainment when compared to the rest of Europe.
Conservative Portuguese scholars such as Jaime Nogueira Pinto[108] and Rui Ramos[109] claim that Salazar's early reforms and policies allowed political and financial stability, therefore social order and economic growth. On the other hand, historians such as the leftist politician Fernando Rosas claim that Salazar's policies from the 1930s to the 1950s led to economic and social stagnation and rampant emigration that turned Portugal into one of the poorest countries in Europe.
From the 1950s, the picture changed, and even leftist historians recognise "that industrial growth throughout the 1950s and 1960s was generally quite positive and, given Portugal's basic problems, could probably have only been improved slightly by a more creatively liberal regime".[110]
Throughout the 1950s, Salazar maintained the same import substitution approach to economic policy that had ensured Portugal's neutral status during World War II. From 1950 until Salazar's death, Portugal saw its GDP per capita increase at an annual average rate of 5.7 per cent. The rise of new technocrats in the early 1960s with a background in economics and technical-industrial expertise led to a new period of economic fostering, with Portugal as an attractive country for international investment. Industrial development and economic growth would continue throughout the 1960s. During Salazar's tenure, Portugal participated in the founding of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) in 1960 and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in 1961. In the early 1960s, Portugal also added its membership in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Bank. This marked the initiation of Salazar's more outward-looking economic policy. Portuguese foreign trade increased by 52 per cent in exports and 40 per cent in imports. The economic growth and levels of capital formation from 1960 to 1973 were characterised by an unparalleled robust annual growth rates of GDP (6.9 per cent), industrial production (9 per cent), private consumption (6.5 per cent) and gross fixed capital formation (7.8 per cent).[111]
Despite the effects of an expensive war effort in African territories against guerrilla groups, Portuguese economic growth from 1960 to 1973 under the Estado Novo created an opportunity for real integration with the developed economies of Western Europe. In 1960, Portugal's per capita GDP was only 38 per cent of the European Community (EC-12) average; by the end of Salazar's rule in 1968, it had risen to 48 per cent; and in 1973, under the leadership of Marcelo Caetano, Portugal's per capita GDP had reached 56.4 per cent of the EC-12 average.[112]
Religious policies[edit]
For forty years, Portugal was governed by a man that had been educated at a seminary, had received minor orders, and had considered becoming a priest. Before accepting the office of minister of finance, Salazar had been associated with several Catholic movements and had developed a very close friendship with Manuel Gonçalves Cerejeira, who in 1929 would become Cardinal-Patriarch of Lisbon. During their university years at Coimbra they shared a house, an old convent known as "Os Grilos".
In July 1929, with Salazar acting as minister of finance, the government revoked a law that had facilitated the organisation of religious processions. Salazar presented his written resignation to the prime minister saying, "Your Excellency knows that I never asked for anything that might improve the legal status of Catholics". He carefully avoided adding more problems to an already troubled nation, but he could not accept the "violation of rights already conceded by law or by former government to Catholics or the Church in Portugal".
Despite his identification with the Catholic lobby before coming to power and the fact that he based his political philosophy around a close interpretation of the Catholic social doctrine, he did nothing directly for religion in the initial phase of his rule. He wanted to avoid the divisiveness of the First Republic, and he knew that a significant part of the political elite was still anti-clerical. Church and State remained apart. No attempt was made to establish a theocratic policy. The Church's lost property was never restored.
In 1932, Salazar declared the Catholic political party (Centro Católico) to be unnecessary, since all political parties were to be suppressed, and he "invited" its members to join his own political organization, the National Union. The role of the Church should be social and not political, he argued. In reaction, Cardinal-Patriarch Cerejeira founded Acção Católica in 1933 and continued to agitate for political power until 1934, when Pope Pius XI told Cerejeira that he should focus on social, not political, issues. In the 1933 Constitution, Article 45 provided for freedom of public and private worship for all religions, together with the right to establish Church organizations and associations in accordance with the norms of law and order.
Salazar based his political theory on the doctrines of the popes and throughout the 1930s achieved great prestige in the Catholic world. In 1936, the episcopate expressed its full support for the regime in a Carta Pastoral, reaffirmed the following year by the head of the Portuguese Catholic Church. Pope Pius XII said, "I bless him with all my heart, and I cherish the most ardent desire that he be able to complete successfully his work of national restoration, both spiritual and material".[115] In 1938, Fordham University, a university founded by the Catholic Diocese of New York, granted Salazar the Honorary Doctorate of Law. Salazar wanted to reinstate the Church to its proper place, but also wanted the Church to know its place and keep it. He made it clear when he declared, "The State will abstain from dealing in politics with the Church and feels sure that the Church will refrain from any political action."
In May 1940, a Concordat between the Portuguese state and the Vatican was signed.[118] There were difficulties in the negotiations that preceded its signing; the Church remained eager to re-establish its influence, whereas Salazar was equally determined to prevent any religious intervention within the political sphere, the exclusive preserve of the State. The legislation of the parliamentary republic was not fundamentally altered: religious teaching in schools remained voluntary, while civil marriages and civil divorce were retained and religious oaths were not re-established. The Bishops were to be appointed by the Holy See, but final nomination required the government's approval. The clergy were subject to military service, but in the form of pastoral care to the armed forces and, in time of war, also to the medical units. The Church could establish and maintain private schools, but they would be subject to state supervision. The Catholic religion and morality were to be taught in public schools unless parents had requested the contrary. Catholics who celebrated canonical marriages were not allowed to obtain a civil divorce. The law stated that "It is understood that by the very fact of the celebration of a canonical marriage, the spouses renounce the legal right to ask for a divorce." Despite this prohibition, nearly 91 per cent of all marriages in the country were canonical marriages by 1961.[119][i]
Pinto and Rezola argue that a key strategy Salazar used to stabilise his regime was to come to terms with the Catholic Church through the Concordat. Anti-clericalism would be discouraged and the Church would have an honored and central position in Portuguese life. The Church agreed to stay out of politics, but it did operate numerous social groups for adults and youth. The Church role became a major pillar of the New State's "limited pluralism."[120][121]
Despite this landmark agreement, Church-state relations and inter-Church relations in Portugal were not without some tensions through the 1940s. Some prominent oppositionist priests, such as Abel Varzim and Joaquim Alves Correia, openly supported the MUD in 1945 and the granting of more social rights to the workers. Abel Varzim, who had been a supporter of the regime, attacked Salazar and his claims of the Catholicism of the corporatist state, arguing that the regime was not true to Catholic social teaching as the people suffered in poverty. Varzim's newspaper, O Trabalhador (The Worker), was closed in 1948. In his personal diary he wrote: "o estado-salazar é quem manda na igreja" ("In Portugal the Salazar-State rules the church"). Joaquim Alves Correia was forced into exile in the United States, where he died in 1951. The opposition candidate in the 1958 presidential election, Humberto Delgado, a Roman Catholic and a dissident of the regime, quoted Pope Pius XII to show how the social policies of the regime were against the social teachings of the Church. That same year, in July 1958, Salazar suffered a severe blow from the bishop of Porto, Dom António Ferreira Gomes, who wrote a critical letter to the Council President criticizing the restrictions on human rights and denouncing the harshness of Portugal's poverty. It was time, he said, for the Church to come out of the catacombs and speak its mind. Salazar was furious. The bishop was not formally exiled, but he decided to leave the country, and it appears that Lisbon made it clear to Rome that the bishop's presence in Portugal would not be appropriate.
After the Second Vatican Council, a large number of Catholics became active in the democratic opposition. The outbreak of the colonial wars in Angola, Guinea and Mozambique – in March 1961, January 1963 and September 1964 respectively – exacerbated the divisions within the Catholic sector along progressive and traditionalist lines. The pope's decision to travel to Bombay in December 1964 to take part in the Eucharistic Congress represented for the Portuguese head of government – who saw in India little more than the illegal occupier of Goa since December 1961 – no less than a direct affront to the nation as a whole. On 21 October 1964, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Franco Nogueira, officially defined the visit as an agravo gratuito.
Directly linked with the pope's visit to India, a second event of significant importance preceded the pope's visit to Portugal: the attribution of the Golden Rose to the Fátima sanctuary on 13 May 1965. Paul VI officially announced his intention to take part in the Fiftieth Anniversary celebrations of the first reported Fátima apparition – also the twenty-fifth of the consecration of the world to the Immaculate Heart of Mary by Pius XII – during his General Audience of 3 May 1967. From the very start, he made every effort to remove any political significance from his visit. It was effectively limited to a single day in Fátima, not Lisbon, and the pope made use of Monte Real Air Base instead of Lisbon airport, which would have given a far more official nature to the pilgrimage.
Religions other than the Catholic faith had little or no expression in Portugal. Throughout the period of Salazar's Estado Novo there was no question of discrimination against the Jewish and Protestant minorities, and the ecumenical movement flourished.
Writings[edit]
The Portuguese literary historian António José Saraiva, a communist and a fierce lifelong political opponent of Salazar, claimed that one who reads Salazar's Speeches and Notes is overwhelmed by the clarity and conciseness of style, the most perfect and captivating doctrinal prose that exists in Portuguese, underscored by a powerful emotional rhythm. According to Saraiva, Salazar's prose deserves a prominent place in the history of Portuguese literature, and only political barriers have deprived it of the place. Saraiva says it is written with the clarity of the great prose of the 17th century, cleansed of all the distractions and sloppiness that often obscures the prose of the Portuguese scholars.[124][125][126]
Salazar had books published, namely Como se Levanta um Estado ("How to Raise a State"), in which he criticised the philosophical ideals behind the Nuremberg laws,[73] and Como se Reergue um Estado ("How to Re-erect a State").
Death and funeral[edit]
In 1968, Salazar suffered a cerebral hemorrhage. Most sources maintain that it occurred when he fell from a chair in his summer house. In February 2009 though, there were anonymous witnesses who admitted, after some investigation into Salazar's best-kept secrets, that he had fallen in a bath instead of from a chair.[89] As he was expected to die shortly after his fall, President Américo Tomás replaced him with Marcelo Caetano. Despite the injury, Salazar lived for a further two years. When he unexpectedly recovered lucidity, his intimates did not tell him he had been removed from power, instead allowing him to "rule" in privacy until his death in July 1970.
Tens of thousands paid their last respects at the funeral, at the Requiem that took place at the Jerónimos Monastery, and at the passage of the special train that carried the coffin to his hometown of Vimieiro near Santa Comba Dão, where he was buried according to his wishes in his native soil, in a plain ordinary grave. As a symbolic display of his views of Portugal and the colonial empire, there is well-known footage of several members of the Mocidade Portuguesa, of both African and European ethnicity, paying homage at his funeral.
Evaluation[edit]
Due to Salazar's long rule, a detached evaluation of him is difficult. He is considered either a saviour of interwar Portugal and an exponent of Christian philosophy in politics, or, on the contrary, a fascist-leaning dictator who obstructed his country's democratic evolution.
Historian Tom Gallagher in 1983 criticised Salazar's excessive promises, writing that "Salazar was being deceitful when he told António Ferro in 1938, 'I estimate that within five years every child in this country will have the opportunity to read and write.' His true policy had been revealed six years earlier when he stated categorically, 'I consider more urgent the creation of elites than the necessity to teach people how to read'." However in a 2018 retrospective Gallagher argues that Salazar focused Portugal on the conservative values of family, local community and the Catholic faith. He rejected the secularism and anticlericalism of the French Revolution, which had a stronghold in the cities but was weak in rural areas. Negative traits that were seen in the governments of other parts of Europe were not prevalent. He never claimed the superiority of a pure Portuguese stock. There was no policy of antisemitism and he helped Jews escape the Nazis. Catholicism was emphasised but the bishops and the pope had to keep their place in the system he quietly controlled without fanfare or charisma. Nationalism was used as a major justification for building a huge global empire that long outlasted those of France, Britain and the others. Salazar also succeeded in using national pride to overwhelm localism and the bitter factionalism that had long troubled the nation before 1930. His coalition brought together monarchists, moderate republicans, businessmen, churchmen, landowners and the military. Each of these groups understood that only with him in charge could their privileges be guaranteed. He believed in stability not democracy, but Portugal remained poor as Europe flourished in the 1960s and 1970s. He spent large sums on soldiers to fight for control of the many colonies; it was a losing battle and by this time the old man was himself losing prestige and stature. He always rejected goals such as modernity and progress and liberalism in favour of tradition, stability and conservatism, and the themes are still echoed into the 21st century by his admirers.[128]
Historian Neill Lochery claims Salazar was one of the most gifted men of his generation and hugely dedicated to his job and country. According to American scholar J. Wiarda, despite certain problems and continued poverty in many sectors, the consensus among historians and economists is that Salazar in the 1930s brought remarkable improvements in the economic sphere, public works, social services and governmental honesty, efficiency and stability.[131] In July 1940, Life magazine called Salazar "a benevolent ruler", described him as "by far the world's best dictator, he [Salazar] is also the greatest Portuguese since Prince Henry the Navigator", and added that "the dictator has built the nation". Life declared that "most of what is good in modern Portugal can be credited to Dr. Antonio de Oliveira Salazar (...) The dictator is everything that most Portuguese are not – calm, silent, ascetic, puritanical, a glutton for work, cool to women. He found a country in chaos and poverty. He has balanced the budget, built roads and schools, torn down slums, cut the death rate and enormously raised Portuguese self-esteem."[12][a]
Sir Samuel Hoare, the British Ambassador in Spain, recognised Salazar's crucial role in keeping the Iberian peninsula neutral during World War II, and lauded him. Hoare asserted that, in his 30 years of political life, he had met most of the leading statesmen of Europe, and regarded Salazar highly among those. Salazar was to him a learned and impressive thinker – part professor, part priest, part recluse of unshakable beliefs. He regarded him as ascetic, concentrated on serving his country, with an encyclopedic knowledge of Europe and indifferent to ostentation, luxury or personal gains. Hoare strongly believed in Salazar as "being a man of one idea – the good of his country", not wanting to endanger the work of national regeneration to which he had devoted the whole of his public life.
Historian Carlton Hayes, a pioneering specialist on the study of nationalism, was the American Ambassador in Spain during World War II. He met Salazar in person and agreed with Ambassador Hoare. Hayes wrote that Salazar 'didn't look like a regular dictator. Rather, he appeared a modest, quiet, and highly intelligent gentleman and scholar...literally dragged from a professorial chair of political economy in the venerable University of Coimbra a dozen years previously in order to straighten out Portugal's finances, and that his almost miraculous success in this respect had led to the thrusting upon him of other major functions, including those of Foreign Minister and constitution-maker.' Hayes appreciated Portugal's endeavours to form a truly neutral peninsular bloc with Spain, an immeasurable contribution – at a time when the British and the United States had much less influence – towards counteracting the propaganda and appeals of the Axis.
Belgian diplomat André de Staercke, dean of NATO's ambassadors, who served for almost 24 years on the alliance council, developed a close and long friendship with Salazar. In his memoirs, Staercke dedicates a full chapter to Salazar and ranks Salazar, together with Churchill and Paul-Henri Spaak as one of the three greatest political leaders he has met in his life.[132]
The Portuguese literary historian, António José Saraiva, a communist and a fierce lifelong political opponent of Salazar, claimed that "Salazar was, undoubtedly, one of the most remarkable men in the history of Portugal and possessed a quality that remarkable men do not always have: the right intention."[133]
Spanish dictator Francisco Franco spoke effusively of Salazar in an interview published by France's Le Figaro newspaper: "The most complete statesman, the one most worthy of respect, that I have known is Salazar. I regard him as an extraordinary personality for his intelligence, his political sense and his humility. His only defect is probably his modesty." This was, however, in response to Salazar helping his cause, which, in turn, was meant to prevent Portugal from communism and the chaos of the First Republic.
The Portuguese historian, scholar, and editor, A. H. de Oliveira Marques, wrote of Salazar: "He considered himself the guide of the nation, believed that there were things which only he could do ('unfortunately there are a lot of things that seemingly only I can do' – official note published in September 1935) and convinced more and more of his countrymen of that too... He became more and more of a dictator, more and more inclined to deify himself and to trust others less."[134]
In November 1965, Time magazine said of Salazar: "Every four years, Premier Antonio de Oliveira Salazar preserves Portugal's image as a democracy by blowing the dust off a few selected "opposition" leaders and relaxing police controls just enough for a few weeks to permit them to run for Portugal's 130-seat National Assembly. There are a few cracks in the facade. The assembly functions only as a rubber stamp. The opposition candidates are usually feeble old men left over from a regime that was discredited and overthrown four decades ago, and Salazar decides what they can and cannot talk about..."[135]
The Portuguese poet, writer, and literary critic Fernando Pessoa wrote that Salazar was "capable of governing within the limits of his area of expertise, which is financial science, but not (capable of governing) with the lack of limits of government in general", adding that "What is wrong, here, is not that Sr. Oliveira Salazar is Minister of Finance, which I accept is right, but that he is minister of everything, which is more questionable."[136]
The American author and political scientist, Paul H. Lewis, wrote of Salazar: "Though he never took Holy Orders he continued to live the solitary, ascetic life of a priest – never marrying, and devoting all his time, first to his academic career as an economist at Coimbra University, and later to running the governme nt. He was cold, intellectual, and dedicated – a man of "painful reserve: an almost Manichean fastidiousness, implying, perhaps a distaste for sex, and always a total involvement with his job."[137]
In 2006 and 2007 two public opinion television shows aroused controversy. Salazar was elected the "Greatest Portuguese Ever" with 41 per cent of votes on the show Os Grandes Portugueses ("The Greatest Portuguese") from the RTP1 channel.[138][139] He was presented by the scholar Jaime Nogueira Pinto, who described being confronted with some "reactions of perplexity, surprise, aggressiveness and even hostility" after having accepted the task.[108] Salazar was also declared "Worst Portuguese Ever" in a public poll by the satirical debate program Eixo do Mal ("Axis of Evil") on the channel SIC Notícias. However, the official poll results for both of the two rounds hosted by this latter program show that the public had actually voted Mário Soares, a major opponent of Salazar and his regime, as "Worst Portuguese Ever".[140][141][142] This led to viewers expressing concerns about the reliability and seriousness of the show, with the controversy extending to the poll on the show The Greatest Portuguesewhich Mário Soares called "total nonsense from start to end".[143] Years previously, a survey from the channel SIC had also rated Salazar as 'The Greatest Portuguese Figure of the 20th Century'.
After Salazar[edit]
Salazar saw no prospects for his regime beyond his death.[108] Nonetheless, the Estado Novo persisted under the direction of Marcelo Caetano, Salazar's longtime aide as well as a well-reputed scholar of the University of Lisbon Law School, statesman and distinguished member of the regime who co-wrote the Constitution of 1933. The Estado Novo would eventually fall on 25 April 1974 with the Carnation Revolution.
Distinctions[edit]
Orders[edit]
Salazar was made member of the following Portuguese Orders.[144]
He also received several other similar distinctions from countries including France, Germany, Belgium, Poland, Romania and Spain.[146]
Academic distinctions[edit]
Salazar was conferred with the following academic distinctions.
Other[edit]
The bridge across the Tagus connecting Lisbon to Almada was named Bridge Salazar upon completion. Built by the Estado Novo 6 months ahead of schedule and under budget, it was the 5th longest suspension bridge in the world and the longest outside of the US. It was then renamed '25 April Bridge'. Stadium Salazar, a noteworthy multi-purpose stadium built in Mozambique during the Estado Novowas named after Salazar. With 1975's new government it began to degrade. It was renamed Stadium of Machava.[148] Many places across the country (streets, avenues, squares) were named after Salazar. They were renamed since 1974, especially in district capitals. Around 20 localities still reference Salazar today.[149] There are also some azulejos with quotes of Salazar.
In popular culture, Salazar's Cake (Bolo de Salazar) is the name given to a cake that Salazar used to eat sometimes. It is cheap and simple, perhaps with similarities to sponge cake. Kitchen cake spatulas are sometimes referred to as 'Salazar' in Portugal for their effectiveness in not leaving any residue behind.
A wine brand called Terras de Salazar ("Lands of Salazar") was approved in 2011 by the national institute. It never reached the market due to the owner's economic troubles.[150] In 2012, the City Council of Salazar's hometown Santa Comba Dão announced a brand called Memories of Salazar for a range of regional products, notably wine. It was rejected by the same institute for offensiveness and the possibility of public disorder. The mayor claimed the refusal was ridiculous and will not give up or drop the name Salazar from future brand name proposals. He is considering submitting Vineyards of Salazar, as "memories" of the regime could be one reason to add to the refusal.[151]
The brand Salazar – O Obreiro da Pátria ("Salazar – Fatherland's Workman") is registered and runs the website www.oliveirasalazar.org, an archive of various documents related to Salazar.
Salazar originated the HCESAR keyboard layout, introduced by means of a decree of 17. July 1937.
- ^ a b c d Life's full article, Portugal: The War Has Made It Europe's Front Doorcan be accessed online for further reading.
- ^ According to a dispatch from the British Embassy in Lisbon of that time: "Generally speaking, this novel constitution is receiving the marked approval which it deserves. It has a certain Fascist quality in its theory of 'corporations', which is a reversion to medieval from the 18th-century doctrines. But this quality, unsuited to our Anglo-Saxon tradition, is not out of place in a country which has hitherto founded its democracy on a French philosophy and found it unsuited to the national temperament". The British Embassy also pointed out that Portugal's illiteracy made elections difficult and illusory.[35]
- ^ Hoare asserted that, in his 30 years of political life, he had met most of the leading statesmen of Europe, and regarded Salazar very highly among those. Salazar was to him a learned and impressive thinker, part professor, part priest, part recluse of unshakable beliefs in the principles of European civilisation. He regarded him as ascetic, concentrated on serving his country, with an encyclopedic knowledge of Europe, and indifferent to ostentation, luxury or personal gain. Hoare strongly believed in Salazar as "being a man of one idea – the good of his country – not wanting to endanger the work of national regeneration to which he had devoted the whole of his public life."
- ^ Hayes wrote of Salazar, claiming he "didn't look like a regular dictator. Rather, he appeared a modest, quiet, and highly intelligent gentleman and scholar (…) literally dragged from a professorial chair of political economy in the venerable University of Coimbra a dozen years previously in order to straighten out Portugal's finances, and that his almost miraculous success in this respect had led to the thrusting upon him of other major functions, including those of Foreign Minister and constitution-maker."
- ^ Portuguese Committee for the Assistance of Jewish Refugees in Portugal (COMASSIS), which was led by Augusto d´Esaguy and Elias Baruel, having Moses Amzalak and Adolfo Benarus as its honorary chair men.
- ^ At the conclusion of the film Casablanca (1942), Ingrid Bergman and her husband escape to Lisbon en route to the US in one of the most memorable film scenes. Star-crossed Humphrey Bogart and Ingrid Bergman part as he sends her off into the foggy night to join her husband on a flight from Casablanca. Bogart (Rick) sacrifices the life they might have had together to ensure her safety.
- ^ For a critical look at the theory of lusotropicalism see for instance "Angola under the Portuguese: The Myth and the Reality" by Gerald J. Bender Where Bender, a Professor in the School of International Relations at the University of Southern California in Los Angeles and a former member of the Board of Directors of the African Studies Association (U.S.A.) from 1979 to 1987, demolishes the theory of lusotropicalism
- ^ Norton de Matos, who had been governor-general of Angola during the First Republic, published a book in 1953 titled África Nossa (Our Africa) wherein he defended colonialist policies far more aggressive than those of Salazar and supported the idea of massive territorial occupation by Portuguese white settlers.[97]
- ^ Salazar's concordat outlived him and outlived the Estado Novo by 30 years; a new one was signed by Prime Minister José Manuel Barroso in 2004. Salazar's text was slightly amended in 1975 in order to allow civil divorce in Catholic marriages, while keeping all the other articles in force. (Additional Protocol to the 1940 Concordat, Decreto n.º 187/75, Signed by President Francisco da Costa Gomes)
References[edit]
- ^ Filipe Ribeiro De Meneses, "Review: The Origins and Nature of Authoritarian Rule in Portugal, 1919–1945," Contemporary European History (2002) 11#1 pp. 153–163. online
- ^ a b c d e f "Portugal: The War Has Made It Europe's Front Door". Life. 29 July 1940. Retrieved 30 April 2015.
- ^ *"British Embassy in Lisbon despatch on draft constitution". Contemporary Portuguese History Online. The Contemporary Portuguese History Research Centre. Retrieved 26 September 2015.
- ^ Nohlen, D & Stöver, P. (2010) Elections in Europe: A data handbookp. 1542 ISBN 978-3832956097
- ^ Adão, Áurea; Remédios, Maria José (23 May 2006). "The educational narrativity in the first period of Oliveira Salazar's government. Women's voices in the National Assembly (1935–1945)". History of Education: Journal of the History of Education Society. 34 (5): 547–559. doi:10.1080/00467600500221315.
- ^ David L. Raby, Fascism and Resistance in Portugal: Communists, Liberals and Military Dissidents in the Opposition to Salazar, 1941–1974
- ^ Robert O. Paxton, "The five stages of fascism." Journal of Modern History 70.1 (1998): 1–23, quotes at pp 3, 17.
- ^ Beevor, Antony. The Spanish Civil War. p. 97. ISBN 0911745114
- ^ Tarrafal: Memórias do Campo da Morte Lenta/ by Diana Andringa
- ^ Maria Inácia Rezola, "The Franco–Salazar Meetings: Foreign policy and Iberian relations during the Dictatorships (1942–1963)" E-Journal of Portuguese History (2008) 6#2 pp. 1–11. online
- ^ (in Portuguese) Agência Lusa, Único atentado contra o ditador Oliveira Salazar foi há 70 anos, in Destak.pt
- ^ "Emídio Santana". Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo. Retrieved 15 October 2013.
- ^
Henry Jay Taylor, Milwaukee Sentinel2 October 1968, as cited in - ^ António de Oliveira Salazar, "O Espírito da Revoluçãon", speech at the Salazar´s official visit to Porto in 28 of April, 1934, in Discursos e Notas Politicas, Vol. 1, pp. 324–326.
- ^ Salazar, Antonio de Oliveira (1977). Como se Levanta um Estado. Lisbon: Golden Books. p. 69.
- ^ Filipe Ribeiro De Meneses (2013). Salazar: A Political Biography. Enigma Books. p. 223. ISBN 978-1929631902.
- ^ Wheeler, Douglas (Summer 1986). "The Price of Neutrality: Portugal, the Wolfram Question, and World War II". Luso-Brazilian Review. 23 (1): 107–127. JSTOR 3513391.
- ^ "Oxford In Portugal 1941". British Pathé. 1941. Retrieved 7 June 2014.
- ^ Leite, 'Document 2: Telegram From Sir Ronald Campbell'
- ^ "The Papers of George Catlett Marshall, ed. Larry I. Bland and Sharon Ritenour Stevens (Lexington, Va.: The George C. Marshall Foundation, 1981– ). Electronic version based on The Papers of George Catlett Marshall, vol. 3, "The Right Man for the Job," December 7, 1941–May 31, 1943 – 3-669 Editorial Note on the Third Washington Conference (TRIDENT), May 1943". George C. Marshall Foundation. Die Johns Hopkins University Press. 1991. pp. 705–708. Retrieved 22 November 2015.
- ^ a b Salazar, António de Oliveira – 'Como se Levanta um Estado', ISBN 978-9899537705
- ^ Dez anos de Politica Externa, Vol. 1, p. 137. Edicao Imprensa Nacional 1961
- ^ Benarus, Adolfo – 'O Antisemitismo' – 1937 ( Lisboa : Sociedade Nacional de Tipografia)
- ^ Levy, Samuel. "Moses Bensabat Amzalak" (in Portuguese). Israeli Community in Lisbon. Retrieved 6 August 2014.
- ^ Goldstein, Israel (1984). My World as a Jew: The Memoirs of Israel Goldstein. Associated University Presses. p. 413. ISBN 978-0845347805.
- ^ Mascarenhas, Alice (9 January 2013). "Madeira Gold Medal of Merit for Louis". Gibraltar Chronicle. Retrieved 17 April 2014.
- ^ Spared Lives, The Action of Three Portuguese Diplomats in World War II – Documentary e-book edited by the Raoul Wallenberg Foundation
- ^ Neil Lochery estimates a high end number of one million.
- ^ Sobral, Claudia (2013). "Depois da guerra, o paraíso era Portugal" [After the war the paradise was Portugal]. Público (in Portuguese). Portugal. Retrieved 19 April 2014.
- ^ Klemmer, Harvey "Lisbon – Gateway to Warring Europe" (National Geographic, August 1941)
- ^ Rosas, Fernando (dir.) (1995). Revista História (History Magazine) – Number 8 (New Series)
- ^ Costa Pinto, António (2000). The Blue Shirts – Portuguese Fascists and the New State. New York: Social Science Monographs, Boulder – Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0880339827.
- ^ a b 'Salazar fell in a bathtub, not from a chair' (Portuguese language)[permanent dead link]
- ^ Colonial Act, original text, in Portuguese, in Diário do Governo.
- ^ Armando Marques Guedes; María José Lopes; Stephen Ellis (2007). State and traditional law in Angola and Mozambique. Almedina. p. 60.
- ^ Bernard A. Cook (2001). Europe Since 1945: An Encyclopedia. Taylor und Francis. pp. 1033–1034. ISBN 978-0815340584.
- ^ Norton de Matos, José (1953). África Nossa: O que Queremos e o que não Queremos nas Nossas Terras de África (in Portuguese). Oporto: Marânus. ASIN B004PVOVDW.
- ^ a b Heinz Duthel (2008). Global Secret and Intelligence Service – III. Lulu.com. p. 33. ISBN 978-1409210900.
- ^ "Flight from Angola". The Economist. London. 16 August 1975.
- ^ "Dismantling the Portuguese Empire". Time. New York. 7 July 1975.
- ^ Bravo, Philip (1998). "The Case of Goa: History, Rhetoric and Nationalism". Past Imperfect. 7. Retrieved 2 June 2014.
- ^ "A Summary of the Early History of Goa". GOACOM. 4 April 1916. Archived from the original on 2 April 2012. Retrieved 4 September 2013.
- ^ "India, Portugal, Indian" (PDF). Keesing's Record of World Events. March 1962. p. 18659. Retrieved 2 June 2014.
- ^ Nicolau Andresen, "The Salazar Regime and European Integration, 1947–1972," European Review of History (2007) 14#2 pp. 195–214.
- ^ Candeias, António; Simoes, Eduarda (1999). "Alfabetização e escola em Portugal no século XX: Censos Nacionais e estudos de caso". Análise Psicológica (in Portuguese). 17 (1): 163–194. Retrieved 10 May 2014.
- ^ Mattoso, José; Rosas, Fernando (1994). História de Portugal: o Estado Novo (in Portuguese). VII . Lisbon: Estampa. p. 251. ISBN 978-9723310863.
- ^ a b c (in Portuguese) Os Grandes Portugueses: Prof. Dr. António de Oliveira Salazar, in RTP on YouTube, Jaime Nogueira Pinto in The Greatest Portuguese
- ^ História de Portugal. A luta de facções entre os salazaristas 'Até os americanos já o tinham abandonado, temendo "recriar o caos que existia em Portugal antes de Salazar tomar o poder".', from História de Portugal (2009), Rui Ramos, Bernardo de Vasconcelos e Sousa, and Nuno Gonçalo Monteiro, Esfera dos Livros, cited in ionline.pt
- ^ "Historian Stanley Payne on Fernando Rosas works and Anne Pitcher's works". Retrieved 15 November 2014.
- ^ Mattoso, José; Rosas, Fernando (1994). História de Portugal: o Estado Novo (in Portuguese). VII . Lisbon: Estampa. p. 474. ISBN 978-9723310863.
- ^
Eric Solsten, ed. Portugal: A Country Study – Economic Growth and Change. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1993 [1] - ^ Cited from The Whole Truth About Fatima, Vol. II, p. 412.
- ^ Full text Salazar's concordat (1940) available online in this link
- ^ Fundação Francisco Manuel dos Santos: Statistical date can be found in the following link: [2]
- ^ António Costa and Maria Inácia Rezola, "Political Catholicism, Crisis of Democracy and Salazar's New State in Portugal," Totalitarian Movements & Political Religions (2007) 8#2 pp. 353–368.
- ^ Tom Gallacher, "Portugal," in Tom Buchanan and Martin Conway, eds, Political Catholicism in Europe, 1918–1965 (Oxford University Press, 1996).
- ^ António José Saraiva (22 April 1989). "Salazarismo". Revista Expresso (in Portuguese). IV (22): 15.
...a sua prosa digna de entrar na história da literatura portuguesa.
- ^ João Medina (2000). Salazar, Hitler e Franco: estudos sobre Salazar e a ditadura (in Portuguese). Livros Horizonte. p. 245. ISBN 978-9722410748.
- ^ James A. Moncure (July 1992). Research guide to European historical biography, 1450–present. Beacham Pub. p. 1734. ISBN 978-0933833289.
- ^ Tom Gallagher, "Salazar: Portugal’s Great Dictator A contemporary of Hitler, Franco and Mussolini, Salazar is remembered by some of his compatriots as the greatest figure in the nation's history. Why?" History Today (Sept 2018) 68#9 online
- ^ See other comments for the 1930s achievements in Time Magazine 1935, Life magazine 1940, and books from: Derrick 'The Portugal Of Salazar', William C. Atkinson 'The Political Structure of the Portuguese New State pp. 346–354', Jacques Ploncard d'Assac 'Salazar', Freppel Cotta 'Economic Planning in Corporative Portugal'.
- ^ Staercke, André de (2003). Mémoires sur la Régence et la Question Royale. Bruxelles: Editions Racine. p. 24. ISBN 978-2873863166.
- ^ Saraiva, António José, Expresso journal of 22 April 1989. In Portuguese: "Salazar foi, sem dúvida, um dos homens mais notáveis da História de Portugal e possuía uma qualidade que os homens notáveis nem sempre possuem: a recta intenção."
- ^ A. H. de Oliveira Marques (1972). History of Portugal: From Lusitania to Empire; vol. 2, From Empire to Corporate State. Columbia University Press. p. 215. ISBN 978-0231031592.
- ^ Editorial series (12 November 1965). "Portugal: Against the Situation". Time Magazine (Vol. 86 No. 20). Time Inc. Archived from the original on 1 August 2014.
- ^ José Barreto (22 September 2008). "Salazar and the New State in the writings of Fernando Pessoa". The Free Library. Portuguese Studies.
- ^ Lewis, Paul H. (August 1978). "Salazar's Ministerial Elite, 1932–1968". The Journal of Politics. 40 (3): 622–647. doi:10.2307/2129859. JSTOR 2129859.
- ^ "Grandes Portugueses – Informação – Especializada – RTP". Archived from the original on 16 February 2014. Retrieved 3 May 2015.
- ^ Poll Archived 27 September 2011 at the Wayback Machine Technically correct poll made by the TV station RTP and Eurosondagem, following the victory of Salazar in its television show 'Os Grandes portugueses', at www.rtp.pt
- ^ Official Blog, Poll. "O Pior Português de Sempre". Retrieved 3 May 2015.
- ^ Official poll results for the first part, started on 2006-12-01, votação
- ^ Official poll results for the final round, started on 2007-02-05, votação
- ^ "Mário Soares: Programa "Grandes Portugueses" é um disparate Cultura : TV e Cinema Diário Digital". Diário Digital / Lusa. Retrieved 3 May 2015.
- ^ "Ordens Honorificas Portuguesas". Página Oficial das Ordens Honorificas Portuguesas. Presidência da República Portuguesa. Retrieved 26 September 2015.
- ^ "Salazar – O Obreiro da Pátria". Retrieved 26 April 2015.
- ^ Newspaper Archive of Southern Cross, 30 June 1938, p. 8/24
- ^ "Clube Ferroviário de Moçambique - Estádio da Machava (antigo Salazar)". Retrieved 26 April 2015.
- ^ "Salazar "sobrevive" na toponímia nacional em 20 localidades portuguesas". Público, Comunicação Social. 24 April 2009. Retrieved 26 April 2015.
- ^ "INPI autorizou vinho com o nome de Salazar". Diário de Notícias. 29 November 2012. Retrieved 26 April 2015.
- ^ Ribeiro, Graça Barbosa (28 November 2012). "Santa Comba Dão queria lançar vinho "Memórias de Salazar" mas marca foi chumbada". Público, Comunicação Social. Retrieved 26 April 2015.
Sources[edit]
- De Meneses, Filipe Ribeiro. "Review: The Origins and Nature of Authoritarian Rule in Portugal, 1919–1945," Contemporary European History (2002) 11#1 pp 153–163. online
- Derrick, Michael; R.J. Stove (1938). The Portugal of Salazar. New York: Campion Books, Ltd.online free
- Egerton, F. Clement C. (1943). Salazar, Rebuilder of Portugal. London: Hodder & Stoughton.
- Hayes, Carlton J.H. (1945). Wartime mission in Spain, 1942–1945. Macmillan Company 1st Edition. ISBN 978-1121497245.
- Hoare, Samuel (1946). Ambassador on Special Mission. Collins; First Edition. pp. 124, 125.
- Kay, Hugh (1970). Salazar and Modern Portugal. New York: Hawthorn Books.
- Leite, Joaquim da Costa (1998). "Neutrality by Agreement: Portugal and the British Alliance in World War II". 14 (1): 185–199. Retrieved 19 March 2014.
- Lochery, Neill (2011). Lisbon: War in the Shadows of the City of Light, 1939–1945. PublicAffairs; 1 edition. p. 345. ISBN 978-1586488796.
- Meneses, Filipe (2009). Salazar: A Political Biography. Enigma Books; 1 edition. p. 544. ISBN 978-1929631902.
- Milgram, Avraham (2011). Portugal, Salazar, and the Jews. Yad Vashem. p. 324. ISBN 978-9653083875.
- Milgram, Avraham (1999). "Portugal, the Consuls, and the Jewish Refugees,1938–1941" (PDF). XXVII: 123–156. Retrieved 19 March 2014.
- Nogueira, Franco (1977–1985), Salazar: estudo biográfico6 vol.
- A mocidade e os princípios, 1889–1928 (3. ed. com estudo prévio pelo Joaquim Veríssimo Serrão). 1 (3a ed.). Porto [Portugal]: Civilização Editora. 2000 [1977]. ISBN 978-9722618397.
- Os tempos áureos, 1928–1936 (2. ed.). 2 . Porto: Livraria Civilização. 1977. ISBN 978-9722618403.
- As grandes crises, 1936–1945. 3 (5a ed.). Porto: Livraria Civilização. 1978. ISBN 978-9722618434.
- O ataque, 1945–1958. 4 (4a ed.). Porto: Livraria Civilização. 1980. ISBN 978-9722618441.
- A resistência, 1958–1964. 5 (4 ed.). Porto: Livraria Civilização. 1984. ISBN 978-9722618410.
- O último combate (1964–1970). 6 . Porto [Portugal]: Civilização Editora. 1985.
- Pereira, Pedro Teotónio (1987). Correspondência de Pedro Teotónio Pereira Oliveira Salazar (in Portuguese). Presidência do Conselho de Ministros. Comissão do Livro Negro sobre o Regime Fascista.
- Pimentel, Irene; Ninhos, Claudia (2013). Salazar, Portugal e o Holocausto (in Portuguese). Lisbon. p. 908. ISBN 978-9896442217.
- Rendel, Sir George (1957). The Sword and the Olive – Recollections of Diplomacy and Foreign Service 1913–1954 (First ed.). John Murray. ASIN B000UVRG60.
- Wheeler, Douglas L. (1983). "In the Service of Order: The Portuguese Political Police and the British, German and Spanish Intelligence, 1932–1945". Journal of Contemporary History. 18 (1): 1–25. doi:10.1177/002200948301800101. JSTOR 260478.
- Wheeler, Douglas L.; Walter C. Opello (10 May 2010). Historical Dictionary of Portugal. Vogelscheuchenpresse. pp. 238–241. ISBN 978-0810870758.
- Wiarda, Howard J. (1977). Corporatism and Development: The Portuguese Experience (First ed.). Univ of Massachusetts Press. ISBN 978-0870232213.
- Gallagher, Tom (1983). Portugal: A Twentieth-century Interpretation. Manchester University Press. pp. 60, 99. ISBN 978-0719008764.
Further reading[edit]
- Baklanoff, Eric N (1992). "The Political Economy of Portugal's Later "Estado Novo": A Critique of the Stagnation Thesis". Luso-Brazilian Review. 29 (1): 1–17. JSTOR 3513163.
- Coyne, E.J. “Oliveira Salazar and the Portuguese Corporative Constitution.” The Irish Monthlyvol. 64, no. 752, 1936, pp. 81–94.
- Gallagher, Tom. "Salazar: Portugal’s Great Dictator A contemporary of Hitler, Franco and Mussolini, Salazar is remembered by some of his compatriots as the greatest figure in the nation’s history. Why?" History Today (Sept 2018) 68#9 online
- Graham, Lawrence S. and Harry M. Makler. Contemporary Portugal: the revolution and its antecedents (U of Texas Press, 1979)
- Hamann, Kerstin, and Paul Christopher Manuel. "Regime changes and civil society in twentieth-century Portugal." South European Society and Politics 4.1 (1999): 71–96.
- Kay, Hugh. Salazar and modern Portugal (1970) online
- de Meneses, Filipe. Salazar: A Political Biography (2009)
- Payne, Stanley G. A History of Spain and Portugal (2 vol 1973) full text online vol 2 after 1700; standard scholarly history; chapter 27 pp. 663–683
- Pimentel, Irene (2002). "Women's Organizations and Imperial Ideology under the Estado Novo". Portuguese Studies. 18: 121–131. JSTOR 41105184.
- Pitcher, M. Anne. Politics in the Portuguese Empire: the State, industry, and cotton, 1926–1974 (Oxford University Press, 1993)
- Stoer, Stephen R; Dale, Roger (1987). "Education, State, and Society in Portugal, 1926–1981". Comparative Education Review. 31 (3): 400–418. JSTOR 1188572.
- Weber, Ronald. The Lisbon Route: Entry and Escape in Nazi Europe (2011).
- West, S. George (1938). "The Present Situation in Portugal". International Affairs. 17 (2): 211–232. doi:10.2307/2602248. JSTOR 2602248.
- Wright, George (1997). The destruction of a nation: United States' policy towards Angola since 1945. London: Pluto Press. ISBN 978-0745310299.
Historiography[edit]
- Ribeiro De Meneses, Filipe. "Slander, Ideological Differences, or Academic Debate? The "Verão Quente" of 2012 and the State of Portuguese Historiography", E-Journal of Portuguese History (2012), 10#1 pp. 62–77. Online.
Primary sources[edit]
- Salazar, António de Oliveira (1939). Doctrine and action: Internal and foreign policy of the new Portugal, 1928–1939. London: Faber und Faber. ASIN B00086D6V6.
In Portuguese
- Coelho, Eduardo Coelho; António Macieira (1995). Salazar, o fim e a morte: história de uma mistificação; inclui os textos inéditos do Prof. Eduardo Coelho 'Salazar e o seu médico' e 'Salazar visto pelo seu médico' (1. ed.). Lisboa: Publ. Dom Quixote. ISBN 978-9722012720.
- de Melo Rita, Maria da Conceição; Vieira, Joaquim (2007). Os meus 35 anos com Salazar (in Portuguese) (1st ed.). Lisbon: A Esfera dos Livros. ISBN 978-9896260743. – Salazar seen by "Micas", one of his two adopted children.
External links[edit]
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